Deputy party leader Floyd Shivambu allegedly secured funds looted from the failed VBS Mutual Bank, a probe commissioned by the central bank and reports by the AmaBhungane Centre for Investigative Journalism show.<\/p>\n
Party president Julius Malema and Shivambu also unduly benefited from municipal vehicle fleet contracts worth 1 billion rand ($69 million), according to another AmaBhungane report. The EFF says there\u2019s no proof its officials did anything wrong.<\/p>\n
Yet its public relations woes are good news for the ruling African National Congress, which haemorrhaged support during former President Jacob Zuma\u2019s scandal-marred tenure and is trying to rebuild its image under new leader Cyril Ramaphosa.<\/p>\n
The Democratic Alliance, the main opposition party, faces its own difficulties, including infighting in its Cape Town stronghold and challenges in governing cities it won from the ANC in a 2016 municipal vote.<\/p>\n
\u201cWhat has definitely set the EFF back is the VBS bank scandal,\u201d said Dirk Kotze, a political science professor at the University of South Africa. \u201cThe party has up to now, and relatively successfully, presented itself as the anti-corruption voice in South Africa.\u201d<\/p>\n
Fifty-six percent of 1,017 registered voters surveyed by the South African Institute of Race Relations between Nov. 26 and Dec. 4 said they supported the ANC, up from 52% in September. Backing for the EFF dipped to 11 percent from 13%, and for the DA to 18 percent from 23 percent.<\/p>\n
Based on a 69% turnout, the institute projected that the ANC would end up with 59% of votes cast, the DA 22 percent and the EFF 10 percent.<\/p>\n
Malema, a 37-year-old former leader of the ANC\u2019s youth wing, founded the EFF five years ago after he was expelled from the ruling party for criticising Zuma and his policies.<\/p>\n
The EFF\u2019s calls to nationalise land, banks and mines have found resonance among many poor, black township residents, whose standard of living has improved little since the end of apartheid. It won 6% of the vote in the last national election in 2014 to become the third-largest party.<\/p>\n
Charismatic Leadership<\/strong><\/p>\n The EFF\u2019s charismatic leadership and its penchant for political theater have bolstered its support. Its lawmakers wear red miners\u2019 coveralls and maids\u2019 uniforms to parliament and fought with security guards trying to stop them from disrupting Zuma\u2019s speeches. Its share of the vote rose to 8% in a 2016 municipal election, while support for the ANC slumped to a record low of 54%.<\/p>\n Despite its proclaimed pro-poor stance, some of the EFF\u2019s leaders have taken up residence in exclusive Johannesburg suburbs, drive Range Rovers and wear Breitling watches and other expensive fashion accessories. That\u2019s led critics to dub them \u201cGucci revolutionaries\u201d and \u201cchampagne socialists.\u201d Some ANC officials have been criticised for similar lifestyles.<\/p>\n More Resolute<\/strong><\/p>\n Malema is adamant that the EFF draws support because of its pro-poor stance and determination to give the black majority a bigger stake in the economy. He argues that supporters aren\u2019t alienated by the conduct of some of its leaders or reports that implicate them in wrongdoing — allegations Malema says are unfounded.<\/p>\n \u201cThe brand EFF will never be shaken by such things,\u201d he told reporters in Cape Town on Dec. 4. \u201cIf anything, we are more resolute.\u201d<\/p>\n Malema may have a point, according to Ralph Mathekga, an independent political analyst. He sees the EFF cementing its position as South Africa\u2019s third-biggest party despite its recent public relations challenges.<\/p>\n \u201cThe EFF supporters are not willing to listen to any opposition about their party,\u201d he said. \u201cThey are extremists, if they believe in you, then they believe in you.\u201d<\/p>\n
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